Mediterranean Anarchy, Interstate War, and the Rise of Rome (Hellenistic Culture and Society) |
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You Are Here: Home > History Books > Gallic Wars > Item 224
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Mediterranean Anarchy, Interstate War, and the Rise of Rome (Hellenistic Culture and Society)
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by Arthur M. Eckstein
Sales Rank: 478791
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List Price: $49.95
$39.96
At Amazon
on 11-27-2008.
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Features
Cover Type: Hard Cover with 389 pages
Published by: University of California PressEdition: 1st Edition February 13, 2007
Written in: English
ISBN 10 Number: 0520246187
ISBN 13 Number: 978-0520246188
Book Dimensions:
9.4 x 6.4 x 1.6 inches
Weighs: 1.6 pounds
Product Review
"A major contribution to the study of Roman imperialism and ancient international relations." - John Rich, University of Nottingham"
Product Description
This ground-breaking study is the first to employ modern international relations theory to place Roman militarism and expansion of power within the broader Mediterranean context of interstate anarchy. Arthur M. Eckstein challenges claims that Rome was an exceptionally warlike and aggressive state--not merely in modern but in ancient terms--by arguing that intense militarism and aggressiveness were common among all Mediterranean polities from ca 750 B.C. onwards.
In his wide-ranging and masterful narrative, Eckstein explains that international politics in the ancient Mediterranean world was, in political science terms, a multipolar anarchy: international law was minimal, and states struggled desperately for power and survival by means of warfare. Eventually, one state, the Republic of Rome, managed to create predominance and a sort of peace. Rome was certainly a militarized and aggressive state, but it was successful not because it was exceptional in its ruthlessness, Eckstein convincingly argues; rather, it was successful because of its exceptional ability to manage a large network of foreign allies, and to assimilate numerous foreigners within the polity itself. This book shows how these characteristics, in turn, gave Rome incomparably large resources for the grim struggle of states fostered by the Mediterranean anarchy--and hence they were key to Rome's unprecedented success.
Reader Reviews
Since 1979, the dominant theory explaining the rapid expansion of the Roman Republic has been that Rome was an exceptionally agressive, predatory power -- even by Ancient standards. And, that Rome's heavily militarized culture, greed and lust for power, drove its ruling class to war with its neighbors and increasingly any powers on the periphery of its sphere of influence until it became the hegemonic power of the mediterranean. The above theory was most forcefully propounded by the scholar, William V. Harris in his seminal work "War and Imperialism in Republican Rome" first published in 1979, and revised in 1985. To most outside observers, Harris' thesis would seem rather obvious and non-controversial. But Harris' book was itself a reaction to a tradition [mostly based upon extant Roman sources] that held that most of Rome's early and middle-Republican wars were of necessity and in self-defense. Arthur Eckstein is, in a sense, rebalancing the scales with this book. Eckstein's central aim is to apply the modern "realist" school of international relations theory to put the rise of Rome into a wider context within the Classical and Hellenistic mediterranean systems of polity interactions. Eckstein argues that in a multi-polar anarchy (which fits the description of the ancient periods under discussion extremely well), all states, out of a sense of self-preservation, become highly militarized and aggressive. Eckstein asserts that the modernm realist theories are exceptionally well-suited to explain state behavior for this period precisely because there were no established international dispute resolution mechanisms, including any coherent concept of international law, and very rudimentary diplomacy. In fact, the dominant form of diplomatic discourse at the time consisted of sending a delegation to the polity from which you sought redress, and forcefully asserting that they comply with your demands -- often in a self-righteous and insulting manner. Realist theorists call this "compelance diplomacy," and Eckstein's text is replete with examples of it -- and its subsequent failure to avert wars. Eckstein concedes that Rome was, indeed, heavily militarized, brutal and aggressive. He, in fact, frequently praises Harris for "brilliantly" laying this out. But Eckstein makes the case that Rome was not unique in these charateristics during this period. And he then explains the parallel aggressive and highly militarized (and yes, brutal) nature of all of the regimes that existed at the time, for which we have good evidence. Eckstein explains that Harris' mistake is in assuming that Rome was unique, and making few if any comparative analyses of other contemporaneous regimes. Realist theoretcians call this "unit-attribute theory." Or, explaining state behavior solely by virtue of its internal characteristics. Or. at most, with its bi-polar interactions with other states on a case by case basis. Realist theory, according to Eckstein, puts the primacy for explaining state behavior on the pressures of the international system. Paraphrasing a prominent realist theorist frequently cited by Eckstein in the text -- in a multipolar anarchy, all states start to resemble one another. Finally, Eckstein argues that what actually set Rome apart was the strength of its organization, depth of its resources and its ability to manage allies and client states more effectively than its competitors in the interstate system -- not its excessive militarism or aggressiveness. A few weak points with Eckstein's otherwise very well-argued treatise must be noted, however. When arguing that all of Rome's competitors of that era were as equally aggressive and militaristic as Rome, Eckstein's inclusion of the City-State of Carthage in that group seems forced. He manages to make the Carthaginians seem far more militarily aggressive than even their Greek opponents portrayed them in antiquity. And, obviously, this is necessary for Eckstein because of the three major wars Carthage fought with Rome from 264 b.c to 146 b.c. In particular, Eckstein imputes the excessive ambition and lust for power of the Barcid family (Hamilcar and Hannibal) to the Carthaginian state itself. The passages doing so have an air of special pleading about them. He also, almost gratuitously, mentions the increase in Carthaginian child sacrifice for this period in an attempt to demonstrate the pressure Carthage was under from the "system." When, of course, the only serious threats Carthage faced at the time came directly from Rome or were due to complications that arose from fighting with Rome. Thus, it's somewhat of a circular argument. Eckstein also, at times, tends to over rely on certain singular sources. This may be due, in part, to the relative lack of source material applying realist theory to ancient history. But, in some cases, Eckstein seems to have found a source that says what he wants, and did no further research to corroborate or bolster it. All in all, however, the book is extremely well researched, and argued. And it will change the way Rome's rise to power is studied from now on. Either the Harris school will be forced to rebut Eckstein to justify their unit-attribute theory's primacy, or others in the field will adopt Eckstein's thesis and expand upon it. Either way, it will stimulate an energetic debate among scholars of the middle Roman Republic.
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Mediterranean Anarchy, Interstate War, and the Rise of Rome (Hellenistic Culture and Society)
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Price: $39.96
Updated on 11-27-2008.
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